Koledar dogodkov

May
1
Wed
Round table – Building a New Left in the Balkans @ Stara mesta elektrarna - Elektro Ljubljana, Slomškova 18, Ljubljana
May 1 @ 11:00 – 13:00
Round table - Building a New Left in the Balkans @ Stara mesta elektrarna - Elektro Ljubljana, Slomškova 18, Ljubljana

‘There is probably no other region in Europe where the past and present of the left are so severely out of sync with one another as they are in former Yugoslavia’, Boris Kanzleiter and Đorde Tomić write in a discussion of the state of the post-Yugoslav Left in the Balkans.

Indeed, one can recall a very sorry state of the post-Yugoslav political landscape from the 1990s and well into the new century. Unlike certain countries where the traditional post-WWII model of the mass Communist party managed to survive political oblivion and retain at least some presence on the local or even state level, there is no trace of the once comprehensive League of Communists of Yugoslavia, except in the form of the continuity of the reformed political élites, who played their compador roles well regardless of their social democrat, liberal or conservative guise.

On the other hand, nothing even remotely resembling a new leftist party such as Die Linke arose from the awakening civil society. The outspoken voices of new ideas in the 1980s quickly settled on the social capital of their founding fathers and never politicised the issue of transition in any substantial, let alone leftist manner.

Even on this barren landscape, however, new movements have emerged with admirable resilience. The institutional discontinuity in which these newcomers are forced to operate might even be an opportunity in the crisis. While the thirdwayist social democracy is a sign of a colossal defeat of the European post-war Left, we must admit that parties truly leaning toward the left are also exposed to the dangers of cooptation, alienation and disenchantment. Movements uninhibited by the constraints of parliamentary democracy are therefore a necessity, both as a fail-safe device and as a pool of new approaches and energy.

The aim of our panel discussion is to evaluate political developments in the Balkans in recent years from this perspective. We will try to probe reasons for the political vacuum of the transitional era, describe the political formation of student- and worker-activists of recent years, reflect on past attempts of party building and identify its dogmatic as well as left-liberal deviations. Ultimately, our goal is to analyse the potential for building a new Left in the Balkans, a Left that will raise the stakes from strictly reactive to proactive political activity without losing its potential the moment the next landslide election occurs.

Round table – Toward a European Left Strategy of Building a Socialist Alternative @ Stara mesta elektrarna - Elektro Ljubljana, Slomškova 18, Ljubljana
May 1 @ 18:00 – 20:00
Round table - Toward a European Left Strategy of Building a Socialist Alternative @ Stara mesta elektrarna - Elektro Ljubljana, Slomškova 18, Ljubljana

The European Union is often celebrated in the liberal commonsense discourse as a pacifistic project that finally brought peace, prosperity and brotherhood to modern Europe after centuries of wars between European nations or states. Furthermore, the EU is celebrated as a democratic project: immediately after the Second World War, at the very onset of European integration, the main ideological momentum of ‘democracy’ was antifascism; however, after the defeat of real socialism, the main ideological focus of the EU turned against ‘totalitarianism’ in an attempt to equate socialism with fascism.

The notion of the EU as an anti-totalitarian organisation reveals the purpose of contemporary European integration. In its opposition to both fascism and socialism, it betrays its liberal, more precisely, neoliberal bias spearheaded mainly against any kind of socialist or even Keynesian reforms. Mechanisms of preventing socialist ‘totalitarianism’ are constituent parts of the EU treaties (such as the Maastricht Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty), projects (the single currency project and the common market), pacts (such as the Growth and Stability Pact, the Six Pack) and the institutional framework notorious for its democratic deficit.

The crisis exposed the antisocialist and therefore antisocial bias of this kind of ‘union’. The common market policies are disabling the member states to compete in the common market in any other way than by suppressing the working classes. The single currency outsourced the monetary policies of the member states to the European Central Bank, which is not willing to play the role of lender in last resort whose main goal is to lower inflation, and thus pushes the member states into the cold hands of private financial markets. Its treaties and pacts are imposing a ‘straightjacket’ on member states. They are imposing fiscal rules on the one hand, while on the other they don’t provide fiscal transfers to guarantee convergence between the member states. And last but not least, the technocratic and authoritarian character of supranational institutions, which don’t even correspond to bourgeois democratic standards, are disabling the people and progressive forces to even slightly change these mechanisms. The dictatorship of the capitalist élites is perfected in this institutional framework.

The results of this kind of integration are of course no less than devastating. In the Union that pushed its member states into ruthless competition the wages of its working classes are being suppressed, its welfare state decomposed and once sacred social rights denied. Furthermore, the Union’s periphery, which was unable to catch up with far more advanced industrial production of the core, experienced drastic erosion of the productive base and finally fell into a debt trap. The expected miracle of the free market policies turned into a nightmare. States are diverging rather than converging, the tensions between the core and periphery are escalating, and the working classes are thrown into brutal exploitation and misery. The only profiteer in this story is – naturally – the European bourgeoisie.

Therefore, the EU is no less than a project of European capitalist élites aimed at imposing neoliberalism masked as ‘European integration’. To us, the anticapitalist left, this poses the following riddle: if the bias of the really existing European integration is neoliberal, how can we respond? Is it possible to change the institutional framework to function in favour of the working classes? Is a ‘good euro’ possible and if so, under which circumstances? And if it is impossible, how risky would it be to exit the euro zone and the EU? And finally: is a socialist Europe possible?

May
23
Thu
Primož Krašovec – Jalovost kritike korupcije @ KC Pekarna, Maribor
May 23 @ 19:00 – 20:30
Primož Krašovec - Jalovost kritike korupcije @ KC Pekarna, Maribor

V okviru spomladanskega cikla predavanj »Delo – kapital – komunizem«, ki jih pripravljajo Zofijini ljubimci, se bo ta četrtek v KC Pekarna predstavil neodvisni raziskovalec, član Delavsko-punkerske univerze, Primož Krašovec. Predaval bo o jalovosti kritike korupcije, ki je bila ena od najpomembnejših razsežnosti zimskih vstaj.

Osnovna teza predavanja, ki se bo začelo ob 19.00 uri, bo dejstvo, da “le kritika korupcije in pravni pregon skorumpirancev ni dovolj, saj je dvojno prekratka: deluje retroaktivno in maščevalno (korupcije ne preprečuje, temveč jo retroaktivno razkriva in kaznuje) ter se omejuje le na samovoljo in zasebno prilaščanje skupnega v javni upravi”. Krašovec opozarja, da je treba kritiko korupcije razširiti tudi na zasebni sektor, saj sicer tvegamo, da “postane del neoliberalnega političnega projekta ter napadov na javni sektor v imenu superiorne učinkovitosti, preglednosti in meritokratskosti tržnih mehanizmov”.

Cikel predavanj »Delo-kapital-komunizem« sofinancira Javni sklad RS za kulturne dejavnosti.

Sep
18
Wed
Javna tribuna – Pozabljeni 11. september @ Dvorana Gustaf, Kulturni center Pekarna, Ob železnici 8, 2000 Maribor
Sep 18 @ 18:00 – 21:00
Javna tribuna - Pozabljeni 11. september @ Dvorana Gustaf, Kulturni center Pekarna, Ob železnici 8, 2000 Maribor

Zofijini ljubimci – društvo za razvoj humanistike v sodelovanju z Delavsko-punkersko univerzo, Pekarno-magdalenske mreže, Iniciativo za demokratični socializem in AGD Gustaf ob štirideseti obletnici vojaškega udara v Čilu prireja javno tribuno z naslovom “Pozabljeni 11. september”, ki bo 11. septembra ob 18.00 v dvorani Gustaf (Kulturni center Pekarna, Ob železnici 8, 2000 Maribor).

Vse od leta 2001 in napada na Svetovni trgovinski center v New Yorku 11. september povezujemo s tem dogodkom. Pred štiridesetimi leti, leta 1973, pa se je v Čilu zgodil neki drug, še precej bolj dramatičen 11. september, ki je le redko deležen pozornosti, ki si jo zasluži. Vojaški udar, ki se je tistega dne zgodil v Čilu, je strmoglavil demokratično izvoljenega Salvadorja Allendeja in ustoličil generala Augusta Pinocheta. Čile, nekoč ena najtrdnejših parlamentarnih demokracij na celini, ki so jo sicer nenehno pestile vojaške diktature, je tako po oseminštiridesetih letih demokracije naslednjih šestnajst let, vse do leta 1990, tudi sam trpel neizprosno preganjanje vseh, ki so se še naprej borili za demokracijo. V času Pinochetovega režima je bilo interniranih okrog 80.000 političnih zapornikov, ubitih več kot 3.000 državljanov in mučenih vsaj 30.000 ljudi. Prav to je obdobje, ki ga je neoliberalna šola čikaških ekonomistov na čelu z nobelovcem Miltonom Friedmanom poimenovala »čilski čudež«.

Salvador Allende, leta 1970 prvi demokratično izvoljeni marksistični predsednik v Latinski ameriki, pa je v svoji kratki, triletni vladavini za najrevnejše nedvomno ustvaril več čudežev, kakor so jih ti bili deležni kasneje, ko je država ponovno postala marioneta imperialnih interesov ZDA. Allendejevi vladi je že v prvem letu uspelo močno znižanje stopnje brezposlenosti, hkrati pa opazno zvišanje plač. Številne družbene skupine, ki so bile prej izvzete iz socialne pomoči, so to spet začele dobivati. Vdovam, invalidom, sirotam in starostnikom je vlada povišala pokojnine. Država je poskrbela tudi za kakovostnejšo prehrano otrok in pol tretjemu milijonu otrok brezplačno omogočila pol litra mleka na dan. Vse to so bili pomembni socialni ukrepi, ki jih pred Allendejem ni bilo.

Koalicija Ljudske enotnosti, ki jo je vodil Allende, se je lotila tudi obsežnih programov nacionalizacij rudnikov bakra, najpomembnejše izvozne surovine Čila. Rudniki, ki so bili prej v lasti korporacij iz ZDA, so zdaj postali čilski. Koalicija je začela oziroma nadaljevala tudi z obsežno zemljiško reformo in med najrevnejše kmete prerazdelila 59 % agrikulturnih zemljišč, ki so bila prej v lasti veleposestnikov. Med naprednimi reformami je bila tudi visokošolska, ki je večtisoč najrevnejšim omogočila študij in v izobraževalni sistem vključila tudi staroselsko indijansko skupnost.

Ni presenetljivo, da so vse te politike izzvale nezadovoljstvo pri tistih, ki so bili prej dolga desetletja navajeni privilegijev. Pri argumentu, da so jim s tovrstnimi naprednimi politikami kršene osnovne človekove pravice, so jih spodbujale tudi ZDA, katerih imperialne apetite je Allendejeva vlada prav tako močno omejila. Skupaj s tem moramo imeti v mislih tudi dejstvo, da sama koalicija Ljudske enotnosti ni imela povsem homogenih idej o nadaljnjem razvoju države. Medtem ko so Allende in komunistična partija zagovarjali zmernejši prehod v socializem in sklepanje kompromisov z deli meščanstva, so skrajnejše struje čilske socialistične stranke zagovarjale diktaturo proletariata. Zaradi tovrstnih napetosti je postalo jasno, da prevzem oblasti še ni prevzem resnične politične moči. Še očitneje je to postalo pri vprašanju oboroženih sil, ki so kljub ustavno zapovedani nevtralnosti na koncu stopile na stran sil vojaškega udara. O ameriški vpletenosti v udar največ pove izjava takratnega zunanjega ministra ZDA Henryja Kissingerja, da ZDA niso bile neposredno vpletene, so pa ustvarile vse pogoje za vojaški udar.

Z javno tribuno, posvečeno štirideseti obletnici vojaškega udara, želimo podrobneje raziskati ekonomsko-politični kontekst v Čilu pred letom 1970, socialne in ekonomske vidike Allendejeve politike ter recepcije udara v Čilu pri napredni slovenski mladini in s tem obeležiti spomin na neupravičeno pozabljeni 11. september.

Na javni tribuni bodo s kratkimi prispevki nastopili Ana Štromajer, Anej Korsika, Franci Pivec in Simon Tecco. Sledi razprava.

Po javni tribuni pa sledi še projekcija dokumentarca The War on Democracy (2007).